Showing posts with label Iran. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Iran. Show all posts

Friday, February 23, 2007

If I was an Iranian….


Part I – The Problem

These days I often come across people who seem apprehensive about the possibility of war between the US and Iran. Your Blogger, being a habitual optimist, likes to believe that what we are witnessing is no more than another example of the Bush Administration’s predilection for sabre-rattling.

Sorely wounded in Iraq the US is currently militarily overstretched and is unlikely to hold any delusions about possible victories in Iran. But then - as your Blogger has often been known to get things wrong - perhaps one should not ignore the possible stratagems of that 60 year-old fly in the Middle East ointment – Israel.

Unlike Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, which are all targeting India (and vice-versa), Irani nukes will destabilize the Middle East and its strategically vital oil-producing areas. While the fabulously wealthy Saudi royalty might end up with jellied knees, the Irani nukes will most likely be aimed at Tel Aviv. And therein lies the problem.

For the sake of self-preservation the Israelis will not allow Iran to possess nuclear weapons and, even if it leads to a breakout of World War III, Israel will make every attempt to destroy Irani nuclear facilities before they get to the bomb-developing stage.

Whatever one might think of the Israel’s leadership, no one can accuse them of stupidity. Rather than attack Iran all by themselves, the Israelis will inveigle Washington to do the job alongside them. At the very least the Israeli bombers will need the US military for mid-air refuelling for a return trip to Iran.

So while Bush shakes a belligerent fist at Iran, he may soon be duped into doing something much more lethal.

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Part II – Why are many Iranis such ardent nationalists?



I’m not Irani but I do know something about the history about this neighbouring country. For instance, given my predilection for free-thinking, had I been an Irani in the early 80s there is a chance that I might have been tortured and perhaps even executed by Khomeini’s zealots in the revolutionary guards.

Nonetheless, my aversion to religious extremism would not have stopped me from becoming an enthusiastic Irani nationalist.

Why?

Well for the simple reason that Iran has an extremely ancient and proud heritage (much older, for instance, than India’s). Its roots began as early as 728 BC when the Deioces founded the Median kingdom at Ecbatana (modern Hamadan). The Medians were eventually replaced in 550 BC by their cousin tribe the Persians, led by the mighty Cyrus. It was under Cyrus that Iran took the route to global splendour.

While the West is enamoured by the Greeks and the Romans and doomed to read the prejudiced histories written by them, the Persians flourished with religious tolerance and superb competence in administration over an area stretching from Egypt in the west to Sind (modern Pakistan) in the east and all the way north to Macedonia and the Aral Sea. Ancient Empires didn’t get much mightier than this.

The 330 year reign of the Persians was followed by a 140 year rule under Alexander’s Greek Seleucids who soon became wholly Persianised anyway. The Seleucids were replaced by the Rome-beating Parthians, who then gave way in 224 AD to the Sassanians. The fate of the Sassanian dynasty was sealed four hundred years later at the battle of Qadisiyya in 636/637 AD by a victorious Muslim Arab army.

While modern day Muslims glorify the scientific and artistic pinnacles achieved under the Abbasids, few realise that over 75% of the scientists, scholars and artists at the apex of Islam’s historical past were in fact Persians who had embraced Arab/Islamic names.

One should also bring to mind that Farsi literature resounds with such celebrated names as Ferdousi, Rumi, Hafiz, Jami and Sa’di.

So it should not come as a surprise that as inheritors of the unique Persian heritage the Iranis are an unusually proud race of people.
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Part III – If I was an Iranian why would I distrust Washington?

Now we come to the tricky issue of the distrust of Washington that seems to pervade modern Iran.

The US was a relative international innocent during the heyday of Imperialist power. However soon after WWII it took on the role of a global superpower and it was not long before the US began interfering in other countries’ affairs in a bid to assert its dominance throughout the world.

The watershed moment for Iran took place in 1953 when CIA’s Kermit Roosevelt (President Teddy Roosevelt’s grandson) successfully arranged for the overthrow Iran’s first and only democratically elected Prime Minister Muhammad Mossadeq. In Mossadeq’s place the US securely planted the temperamentally weak and insecure Muhammad Reza as the monarchical dictator of the country.

For the next 26 years the people of Iran suffered under the grip of the Shah’s Sazman-i-Etelaat va Amjiniat-I Keshvar or Savak, which soon became, in Robert Fisk’s words, ‘the most notorious and the most murderous, its torture chambers among the Middle East’s most terrible institutions.’ The noted journalist also maintains that possibly ‘a third of the male population of Iran were in some way involved with Savak, either directly or as occasional paid or blackmailed informants.’

All through the Shah’s reign Savak remained under the tutelage of the CIA. Savak agents were regularly flown to the US for lessons in interrogation techniques. It is therefore understandable that many Iranis who suffered brutally during those near three decades have little love lost for the US.

The 444-day Tehran Embassy crisis was the price that US, the ‘Great Satan’, was made to pay for its 25-year involvement in Iran’s affairs. After the embassy takeover some students laboriously glued together 2,300 shredded US diplomatic papers, some of which deeply incriminated the US in its role of helping perpetuate Shah’s vicious regime.

The subsequent eight year long war, instigated by Saddam Hussain, cost Iran over a million lives, while millions of others were left permanently maimed by bullets, artillery shells, aerial bombs and Saddam’s infamous poisonous gas.

While the US claimed to be impartial during the Iran-Iraq war, from Iran’s perspective it was anything but. For those unfamiliar with what the US actually did during that period, here are some salient examples:

Throughout the war the Americans provided satellite imagery and other battlefield intelligence to the Iraqis to help them beat Iran.

The US turned a blind eye to Iraq use of banned chemical weapons. (When Saddam killed 5000 of Iraqi Kurds in Halabja, the CIA is on record for sending a briefing note to US embassies deceitfully blaming the Iranis of this war crime).

Twenty-four American warships were sent to the Gulf to protect Iraqi oil shipments from Irani attacks while the Iraqis were given a free hand to destroy any or all of Iran shipments.

Angered by Iran’s mine laying activities in the Gulf US naval ships attacked an Irani minelayer. This was followed by the complete destruction of two Irani oil platforms by four US guided missile destroyers.

These were hardly the acts of a neutral bystander.

The ultimate act of hostility was when the US missile cruiser Vincennes, while assertively sailing within Iran’s territorial waters, shot down an Iran Air Airbus carrying 290 passengers heading for Dubai.

Rather apologize for the tragic mistake the US tried to dissemble its way out of the quagmire. George H. Bush, then Vice President, arrogantly announced: "I will never apologize for the United States, ever. I don't care what the facts are."

This and further acts of callousness by the Americans left most Iranis stunned. When the Vincennes returned to its home base of San Diego the ship was given a hero’s welcome and its men were all awarded combat action ribbons. The ship’s air warfare coordinator won a naval medal for ‘heroic achievement’. And to top it all the citizens of its namesake town of Vincennes in Indiana raised money to build a monument – not to the 290 dead Irani civilians – but to the ship that had destroyed them.

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While your Blogger can hardly be accused of being sympathetic to the Mullah regime of Tehran, he will stress that Iran as a country and Iranis as a people are worthy of respect.

After years of trying interfere with the destiny of millions of Iranis, I find it difficult to perceive how the US can expect any warmth from them.

To my mind the only sensible course of action for Washington is to accept current realities. Pushing Iran into a hostile corner has only made Tehran more determinedly stubborn.

Pakistan’s Musharraf crumbled after a single call post-9/11 telephone call from the US secretary of state. Dictator’s have a tendency of doing just that. While Iran is by no means a democracy, its leadership has to carry the will of its people to some extent. Bullying and browbeating Iran will get their back up.

So instead of routinely vilifying Iran, a wiser course of action is to accord Iran the respect due to a nation state And, to recognize that US actions over the past five decades have directly led to the bitter cultural chasm that exists between the two countries.

It is time to build bridges rather than keep burning them.


Friday, October 20, 2006

Ex-ISI Chief on Elections: We Rig 'Em


Okay, most of us know that the Army has been involved in rigging elections in Pakistan ever since Ayub Khan’s electoral tussle with Fatima Jinnah in 1964.

In the 1970 elections, which are widely believed to have been the fairest, Yahya appointed Minister of Information, Major General Sher Ali Khan of Pataudi, did tinker around by funding handpicked political parties but did nothing of great magnitude under the mistaken belief that the Awami League would not sweep the polls quite so outlandishly. Not surprisingly an incensed Yahya sacked General Sher Ali from his ministerial post during the brief interim period between the holding of the National Assembly elections and the Provincial Assembly elections.

Nothing much need be said of Zia-ul-Haq’s infamous ‘partyless’ 1985 elections.

The former Army Chief Mirza Aslam Beg is on public record for not only having publicly admitted that the ISI spent Rs. 140 million financing his chosen candidates but also for creating the Islamic Jamhoori Alliance in his efforts to prevent the PPP from winning the 1988 election. For the record Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was the Establishment’s chosen candidate for the post of Prime Minister. Jatoi’s failure to win his home seat proved a valuable lesson for the Establishment as it showed that the funding candidates was not enough to swing elections their way.


After the dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government the 1990 elections were now blatantly rigged to ensure that Nawaz Sharif and Muslim League were swept into power.

But as luck would have it, Nawaz Sharif had a bitter ‘I will not take dictation’ falling out with President Ghulam Ishaq Khan. This time the 1993 elections were purposely skewed to ensure that Benazir Bhutto returned to power. As PPP already had a solid vote bank, the rigging effort was not quite as strenuous.

The same cannot be said for the 1997 elections. While Benazir Bhutto had, by then, lost most of her charm with the general public, the ‘heavy mandate’ electoral mandate was not as genuine as Nawaz Sharif would like us to believe.

The 2002 elections were of course an utter farce. In his recently published autobiography General Musharraf himself admits that PML (Q) was very much his own creation. And your Blogger himself witnessed a voter being openly offered 60 ballot slips to vote with in one National Assembly constituency. The candidate being supported here had previously been personally interviewed by General Ehsan-ul-Haq, the ISI chief, and had obviously passed muster.

With this history before us it is refreshing when a former ISI chief comes out in the open and tells it like it is!

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This is what Lt. Gen. Asad Durrani, former ISI chief, told an assembled crowd at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington DC on 18 October 2006.

(Your Blogger has directly extracted the following points from news reports in
Dawn and Daily Times newspapers).
  • ‘The military…only takes over when there’s a general resentment against the government and “they know that the takeover will be generally accepted.’
  • ‘one reason for military takeovers is that the army gets impatient with the pace and style of civilian-run governments and disrupts the process through intervention when it should learn to let it continue, which is the only way it will improve. Once the military takes power, within its own ranks, it is loyalty to the coup-maker that becomes the norm. After some years in power, army regimes begin looking for an exit strategy but do not always find it.’
  • ‘According to him, the biggest question confronting a military ruler is: “I am in power, now I must also have legitimacy.” In Pakistan, he said, this legitimacy is acquired through courts and after some time “efforts are made to get some politicians on board”.’
  • ‘ a military government is forced to create [a] ‘civilian façade’ to legitimise [its] takeover.’
  • ‘Some of those politicians who become part of this façade have a murky background. Some cannot win elections on their own. Some have skeletons to hide. Some do it for benefits’.
  • ‘Talking about the thought process that guides a military government, he said: After the takeover, the military government believes that things will be OK in a couple of years but they don’t. The government, however, comes with an agenda and believes that if implemented, this agenda will pull the country out of its troubles…The situation begins to deteriorate and the ire gets directed at the military. The politicians chosen to support the military also become unpopular and there comes a time when “you realise if you want your group to win, you must rig the elections.’
  • ‘an army regime only digs itself deeper into its hole as time passes and it has to rig elections to perpetuate its power.’
  • ‘Meanwhile, a military ruler’s agenda of “cleaning up the political mess” prevents him from “getting off the tiger”. Thus the military government “keeps digging deeper into the hole”.’
  • ‘The general then used an Urdu idiom to describe the situation: “Main kambal ko chorta hoon, kambal mujhey naheen chorta.’
  • ‘The military’s meddling in politics, he said, affects “the normal flow in the higher ranks” and ultimately “loyalty to the coup makers also peters off”.’